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American Social Thought On Women's Rights Term Paper

American Social Thought on Women's Rights This paper compares and contrasts the arguments in favor of women's rights made by three pioneering American feminists: Judith Sargent Murray, Sarah Grimke, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton. This analysis reveals the centrality of religious argumentation to the feminism of all three. Murray and Grimke were both converts to varieties of evangelical Protestantism who drew considerable intellectual and emotional nourishment from strands of Christianity, which encouraged, or at least did not discourage, their personal development. Unlike Murray and Grimke, however, Stanton did not convert to evangelicalism. Instead, she launched upon a secularizing trajectory that took her beyond Christianity to Comtean Positivism and rationalism. Unlike Murray and Grimke, moreover, she acknowledged the problems inherent in any attempt to square Christianity with feminism. However, she never rejected the Bible completely, and she is appropriately viewed with respect today as a pioneer of feminist biblical criticism. The paper concludes that although feminist thought demonstrates considerable progress in the century betwen Murray and Stanton, this progress was at odds with the growing influence of evangelical Christianity in American life as a whole.

INTRODUCTION

This paper compares, contrasts and places in their American intellectual context the thought of three pioneering American feminists. The three authors whose works are considered are Judith Sargent Murray (1751-1820), Sarah Moore Grimke (1792-1873), and Elizabeth Cady Stanton (1815-1902). Examined side by side, these writers illustrate the profound shift that occurred in United States intellectual history during the course of the nineteenth century. Murray's works exemplify the world of the Enlightenment. Her rationalism is apparent in an argument for women's rights that is mainly concerned with female education. She pays less attention to the problem of Biblical texts for female subordination than does Sarah Grimke, whose work appeared fifty years later. By the time Grimke was writing the United States was deep in the thrall of a religious revival. The nature of the religious revival, which drew on conservative romanticism's reaction against rationalism, brought to the fore of social thought the authority of the Bible. Grimke, along with other contemporary feminists, was obliged to decisively confront conservative Christianity's emphasis upon female subordination. Stanton, whose main writings were produced fifty years after those of Grimke, represents a more polarized phase of American...

By the time she produced her major writings, she had been exposed to the most progressive currents of European thought. This put her greatly at odds with her fellow American feminists who, as the result of yet another religious revival, were even more steeped in Christianity than earlier generations of feminists. Seeing the dangers of a feminism dominated by Christianity, Stanton went on the offensive in a central work in the feminist canon, the Woman's Bible. Stanton's literary activity in the 1890s reflects her perception that American feminism might soon be overwhelmed by women for whom religion was more important than emancipation.
Judith Sargent, who converted from Congregationalism to Universalism in 1774, and therefore from the Calvinist theology of the salvation only of the Elect to the doctrine of the salvation of all souls, was prepared as early as 1780 to engage with conservative Christian opposition from a liberal Protestant position (Behnke 10-11). Universalism's theology of universal salvation, which was premised at least partly on the equivalence of female and male souls, was less the starting point for an attack on conservative Christian orthodoxy than it was the moral foundation of her own personal striving for intellectual self-realization. Although her feminist work includes an inescapable religious element, therefore, the emphasis falls upon the liberation of female intellectual energies.

In 1790 she completed and published in The Massachusetts Magazine an essay entitled "On the Equality of the Sexes" which she had begun in 1779 (Harris xxi, xxiv). "On the Equality of the Sexes" is principally a defense of the proposition that women's intellectual powers are equal to men's. In order to overcome the traditional male disparagement of female intellectual capacity, Murray was obliged to consider two subjects, firstly, the nature of female education; and secondly, what scripture has to say about women. Female education had to be dealt with because there is, at the empirical level, an apparent contradiction between the principle of equality between the sexes and the reality of female under-achievement in the public sphere. Like most early feminists, Murray had to explain for her readers the central role played by education in…

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This was a striking argument that made the development of female intellectual potential inseparable from the worship of God. But while this is certainly useful as an argument for elevating the standard of female education, it falls far short of a cry for female emancipation.

Religion's relationship to feminism is more thoroughly explored in Sarah Moore Grimke's more ambitious Letters on the Equality of the Sexes, and the Condition of Woman (1838). What had changed in the fifty years since Murray's entitled "On the Equality of the Sexes" was published was that the battle for the liberation of women's intellectual abilities appeared to have been won. By the 1830s, well-educated women existed. But the shift that was occurring at the time - precipitated by the antislavery movement - was toward the use of female abilities to intervene in debates of social importance. Like other feminist antislavery advocates, Sarah Grimke gained notoriety as an outspoken female advocate of the antislavery cause. In 1838, Grimke, who had converted to Quakerism around 1818 - apparently because it was compatible with her passionate commitment to antislavery (Lerner 8) - found herself vilified by the press and rebuked by the Congregationalist ministerial association of Massachusetts for her participation in an abolitionist lecture tour of New England in 1837-38.

What was controversial, however, was not so much her antipathy to slavery - although the Congregationalist clergy had long sought to stifle criticism of slavery - than the idea that a woman should dare to speak out publicly on a matter of such importance (Behnke 20; Lerner 19). Grimke responded to her critics by publishing a work, which forcefully defended her right to speak. Addressed to Mary S. Parker, president of the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society, Grimke's Letters dwelt at length on the Bible, which was the ultimately source of the conservative view that women were commanded by God to restrict their endeavors to the domestic sphere. Grimke shared Murray's conviction that the meaning of scripture had been 'perverted' in the interests of men. Almost everything that has been written about 'the sphere of woman,' she argued, 'has been the result of a misconception of the simple truths revealed in the Scriptures.' She cited, in particular, erroneous translations, and professed a low opinion of the 1611 King James Bible (221). In an examination of the creation narrative, she discerned no grounds to believe that God had created woman as an inferior creature. Both genders
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